Tuesday, June 28, 2016

عصر البهلوانات: استفتاء بريطانيا للخروج من الاتحاد الأوروبي



محمد جلال أحمد هاشم
في يوم 23 يونيو 2016م، صوت اليمين في بريطانيا للخروج Brexit (اختصاراً Britain exit؛ ويتختصر أيضاً بكلمة Leave) من الاتحاد الأوروبي. فعلوا ذلك عبر المساومة على المصالح الوطنية العليا، عندما قامت بعض جيوب في حزب المحافظين بالتحالف مع حزب استقلال بريطانيا، فشرعوا في ابتزاز رئيس الوزراء ديفيد كاميرون الذي ليس فقط لم يجد بداً من أن يحاول أن يلعب لعبة المناورة حول مطالبهم بالخروج من الاتحاد الأوروبي، بل سعى في قصر نظر ماحق لأن يستفيد من تصاعد موجة المطالبة بالخروج من الاتحاد كيما يضمن انتخابه لدورة ثانية، فكان أن وعد بإجراء الاستفتاء في حال فوزه. وبالفعل فاز ديفيد كاميرون وأصبح لزاماً عليه أن يمضي قدماً في تنفيذ الاستفتاء. إلا أنه على عكس موافقته بإجراء الاستفتاء عبّر عن رفضه للخروج من الاتحاد الأوروبي منادياً بأن يصوت الجميع من أجل البقاء، وهو تيار مضاد للتيار العام في حزبه ولمضمون وعده بإجراء الاستفتاء. بهذا ارتكب ديفيد كاميرون خطأه الثاني، إذ إن موقفه هذا أدى إلى خلق انطباع عام بأن نتيجة الاستفتاء أصبحت معروفة وأن خيار البقاء سوف يفوز طالما أن زعيم المحافظين ورئيس الوزراء ضده، الأمر الذي أدى بدوره إلى تكاسل مؤيدي خيار البقاء Bremain  (اختصاراً Britain remain) باعتبار أن الاستفتاء ليس سوى لعبة انتخابية آتت أُكلها بإعادة انتخاب ديفيد كاميرون وسوف تنتهي في هذا الحد بوصفها خطوة واضحة الخطورة وأنه لا يمكن لحزب مسئول أن يفعلها. ولكن خاب فأل هؤلاء عندما وجدوا مجموعة من القيادات السياسية بحزب المحافظين، مثل البهلوان buffoon جونسون بوريس، وجميع قادة حزب بريطانيا المستقلة UK Independent قد قاموا بتصعيد الحملة إلى أقصى مداها. حتى ديفيد كاميرون لم يتوقع هذا إذ لم يصعّد من حملته من أجل البقاء داخل الاتحاد الأوروبي إلا قبل شهر واحد فقط من الاستفتاء.
ولكن يا ترى ماذا عن موقف البريطانيين الذي صدروا في أصولهم من مجموعات وافدة، أي مهاجرة؟ ونعني في الواقع المسلمين بوصفهم من أكبر الجاليات في بريطانيا، وبعدهم نعني مسلمي شبه الجيرة الهندية الذين يشكلون غالبية مسلمي بريطانيا. البعض يعتقد بلا أي سند إحصائي أن هؤلاء قد صوتوا من أجل البقاء في الاتحاد الأوروبي. إلا أن المناقشات الانقسامية الحامية التي جرت بين مسلمي شبه القارة الهندية أشارت إلى شيء خطير، ألا وهو أنّ أغلبهم وعبر حملة جيدة التنظيم قد صوتوا للخروج بدافع وقف تدفق العمالة الرخيصة من شرق أوروبا. وهذا طبعاً فهم قاصر وأناني ومضر بالمصالح الوطنية البريطانية. ومن المتوقع أن يدفعوا فاتورة موقفهم هذا مزيداً من الاستهداف.
المهم في الأمر أن بريطانيا ليس في مقدورها أن تخرج من الاتحاد وضغها الحالي. وليس هذا بدليل تراجع قادة حملة الخروج من مواقفهم بصورة غير مباشرة ريثما يقوم البعض بالإعلان بأن الخروج ليس عملياً دع عنك مضاره، ولا بسبب الصعوبة العملية والتكلفة الماليّة العالية لتحقيق هذا الخروج، بل بسبب  الأضرار الاقتصادية الضخمة التي ينبغي لبريطانيا أن تدفعها في حال مضت قدماً في إنفاذ الخروج بموجب استفتاء استشاري advisory فحسب وليس ملزماً قانونياً not binding legally . وسيكون وهكذا إلى أن يقوم البرلمان بالتأكيد أنه لن يعمل على تفعيل المادة رقم 50 المتعلقة بتفعيل الانسحاب. إلا أن المحصلة النهائية سوف تكون خسوف شمس بريطانيا كدولة عظمى، إذ ثبت أن البلهوانيين buffoons من أمثال جونسون بوريس وغيره يمكن أن يديروا سياساتها العليا.

وفي الواقع هذا هو نفس ما تعاني منه دولة عظمى مثل أمريكا (خذ مثال جورج بوش الابن والآن ترامب). خطورة هذا الوضع يكمن في أنّ رفاهية العالم المتقدم لم تحدث بموجب جهدهم الذاتي بل بموجب الاستغلال من تجارة الرق والاستعمار ثم الاستعمار الحديث بما يشمل من تدخل في شئون دول العالم الثالث بحيث يحولوا دون بلوغها درجة من التقدم ترفع عن كاهل شعوبها نير الفقر والمرض والجهل. فالتاريخ لا يعطينا حالة واحدة للرفاهية لم تقم على الاستغلال.
اليوم من الواضح أنه عندما تجاوزت البشرية في عصر الحداثة تلك الأشكال العديدة من الاستغلال الغليظ (رق استعمار احتلالي .. إلخ)، لم يعد في إمكانهم المحافظة على رفاهيتهم في عصر ما بعد الحداثة واليوم في عصر العولمة. في نفس الوقت دفعت حالات الفشل المريع التي تعيش فيها شعوب العالم الثالث، ليس في فن الحوكمة فحسب governance، بل حتى في المحافظة على الأوضاع التي ورثتها من الاستعمار، دفعت مفكري وسياسيي العالم المتقدم إلى أخذ هذا كبينة على أنّ هذه الشعوب ليست مؤهلة كيما تحكم نفسها، وأنه من الأفضل ترفيع درجة التدخل في شئون هذه الشعوب وليس هناك ما يدعو لاحترام حقوق الإنسان أو السيادة الوطنية أو المصالح الوطنية لهذه الشعوب الفاشلة.
تكمن خطورة التوصل إلى موقف كهذا في أنه لا يمكن الشروع في التعامل مع أوضاع شعوب العالم الثالث بموجب هذه القناعة عبر مؤسسات الحكم  التي تُخضع نفسها لمعايير عصر الحداثة من حقوق إنسان إلى غيرها بما في ذلك احترام السيادة الوطنية. لكن يمكن التحايل على هذا في حال بروز حكّام غير مؤهلين فكرياً وأخلاقياً للالتزام بهذه المعايير الأخلاقية البالية. هذا ما أسميه بعصر الحكام البهلوانات buffoons، التي بدأت بأناس من أمثال دونالد ريغان وبعده جورج بوش الابن، ثمّ ها هو ترامب. في بريطانيا يمكن التمثيل بتوني بلير وجونسون بوريس، الأخير منهما بوجهٍ خاص. فقد برز للرأي العام أوائل تسعينات القرن العشرين بوصفه بهلواناً حقيقياً يمكن أن يهزّئ من نفسه كيما يُضحك الناس، ولا عبرة هنا كونه خريج كلية بيليو بأوكسفورد. فتوني بلير نفسه خريج أوكسفورد. ولكن في مرحلة بعينها برز جونسون بوريس بوصفه شبه سياسي عندما تقدم للترشح في منصب عمدة لندن بين ضحك الناس وعدم تصديقها، وهو منصب في نظر الكثير من البريطانيين يعتبر الثالث بعد الملكة فرئيس الوزراء. برز جونسون بوريس وهو بشكله ذاته الذي ظل من خلاله يُثير ضحك الجمهور وواصل في نفس طريقته، أي ممارسة السياسة بوصفها تمثيلية عبطية.
في زمن الاحتباس الحراري وانهيار الاقتصاديات الكبيرة وبروز شعوب كثيرة من العالم الثالث تمكنت من كسر حصار التخلف (مثل الصين، الهند، كوريا ... إلخ) يواجه الغرب صاحب الترسانة العسكرية الأضخم تحدياً كبيراً. فهو إما أن يقبل بالتساوي مع الشعوب الأخرى خارج حدود العالم الأول ومع الشعوب الفقية داخل حدود العالم الأول (مثل اليونان والتشيك .. إلخ) أو أن يقوم بالاستفادة من تفوقه العسكري بإعادة احتلا هذه الشعوب واستعمارها بقوة الحديد والنار كما فعل. كيف يمكنه أن يفعل هذا؟ عبر انتخاب رؤساء غير مسئولين أخلاقيّاً وغير مؤهلين فنياً لإدارة بلادهم (خذ مثالاً بيرلسكوني الذي دمر اقتصاد إيطاليا بينما هو بليونير).
في مؤتمر دولي عُقد بالدنمارك، قدم خبير دنماركي رفيع المستوى ورقة تتنبأ بأن جميع دول الأراضي المنخفضة (الدنمارك، بلجيكا، هولندا ولوكسمبورق) مهددة بالغرق في حال استمرار التدهور في مناخ الأرض بهذه الوتيرة. عندها سأله بعض الحضور عمّا ستفعله هذه الدول في حالة تدهور الأوضاع ووصولها لدرجة غرق هذه البلاد. عندها كانت إجابته التي قدمها بكل برود وثقة مطلقة: سوف نقوم باستعمار بلاد العالم الثالث وتحديداً أغريقيا كما فعلنا من قبل!

Sunday, June 05, 2016

Guides to Election Campaign



M. Jalal Hashim
March 2010
Elections Campaigns
Elections is all about concentrating the public will into relatively small number of people who are furthermore concentrated into numbered individuals elected through polling which is assumed to be fare and free.  Election campaign includes a number of processes, such as the nomination of potential candidates, elimination of nominees, candidature or candidacy, the campaigning tactics, the balloting regulations, the polling, results and assessment.  Below I am going to give guidelines to some of the tactics of election campaign.

The War Room
Election Campaign (EC) needs a kitchen, hence called WR, where all the plans, implementation, follow-up and assessment is done. The war room should have its own staff; it is advisable that the WR staff to work parallel to the ordinary staff of the political organization if there is one. The institutional mechanism of the political party should keep functioning as usual and orderly; the WR staff works according to contingent plan which will eventually be called off once the mission is accomplished. To employ the ordinary membership of the PP in election campaign may cause later disruption as it may prove hard to regain the systematic mechanisms after elections. However, the coordination between the two of them is deemed fundamental to the success of the EC. The WR consists of the following:
1.   Central Office: not necessarily a single room office; it could be a complex premises with a strong room where no one other than authorized is admitted.
2.   Director of Campaign: the DC can be honourary or resident. If the former, then their permanent presence at the WR is not necessary, but if the DC is resident then their permanent presence is deemed necessary as they will be running the WR. The nomination of the honourary DC tactical; the nomination of the resident DC is, however, pragmatic, i.e. due to qualification and efficiency. However, they are preferable to be from within the group.
3.   The Campaign Cashier: The WR should have its own independent fiscal system so as to have the books of the campaign audited independently. The CC should keep the books in order so as to have the incoming cash easily correlated with expenditure. Any cashed money should be authorized by the DC and signed by the recipient. Expenditure should be invoice-supported; any invoice should be signed by the CD so as to be accepted by the CC.
4.   Secretariat of Campaign: This is a team that should not be less than three, not including porters and messengers. The SC team works directly under the CD and does the office work (typing, scanning, receiving and sending phone calls, photocopying etc.).
5.   Members of Campaign: This is the core team of the EC; its number should not be less than 10 or more than 20. Their choice, generally speaking is tactical and pragmatic. However, there is a strategic point in the set-up of the MC team. This is to select certain members of the Political Party (PP) to be trained and qualified so as to take over ECs in the future.
6.   Logistics & Documentation: Logistics includes furniture, equipments, computers, scanners, printers, vehicles etc. Documentation includes all multimedia devices such as tape recorders, cameras, videos etc.

The Election Campaign
The objective of EC is not only about making a candidate win an election; it is in principle about selling out a pragmatic programme of policies based on an ideological orientation. EC in practice is all about succeeding in managing variables of pros vs. contras in a dynamic context. The Ps vs. Cs fall into two categories, namely the public (whether the Election Registry or the public in large) and institutions (whether governmental, political or socio-cultural).  The EC is basically a season of harvest, not a season of cultivation. Therefore, ECs should not be taken as a means for promoting either the ideology or personalities of the PP. However, ECs are very convenient for training PP members on the technicality of elections. Mass rallies are one of the basic tactics of ECs. However, they don’t stand for an EC. To rely on mass rallies is like the coach of a football team launching rallies among the fans with the team instead of drilling and training in the pitch. The EC summarily can be said to consist of the following:
1.   Ideology, Programme & Slogan: a clearly perceived ideology in respect of Pro vs. Contra will basically help building up a clear programme a matter that will eventually end up in carving a resonant slogan. The importance of the slogan is that it functions as a transformer of both ideology and programme into a spell of positive sentiment. A successful slogan alone may trigger off a wave of euphoria. however, slogans, whatever they may be, are abstract; for them to do this, they need to be transformed into a visual message, i.e. materialization. If we take Obama’s election the ideology and programme were summed up in the slogan CHANGE, which, by turn, was transformed into a visual message represented in the stark fact that Obama was a black person. The ultimate change was to elect a black man as president.
1.1.                Comments on the Campaign of Y. Arman & Edward Lino (SPLM)
1.1.2.         Ideology & Slogan: In the case of YA the slogan of HOPE & CHANGE should be transformed into a visual message. Change can easily be related to the dismantling of the National Congress Party rule which has been going for the last 20 years. But this goal should be strongly and directly related to what we mean by hope and the whole package to be transformed into something tangible and visually perceivable.  In my opinion this can be achieved by connecting the slogan of HOPE & CHANGE with the map of the Sudan with the south cut off. This is an image, in my opinion, no Sudanese is prepared to reconcile with yet. The avoidance of having the Sudan ending up with this particular map is what HOPE stands for. Only electing Yasir Araman may make the Sudanese people avoid this map; by turn this can only be achieved by changing the rule of the NCP.

2.        Politico-Demographic Map: This map is not restricted to the voters but includes all the people of the concerned constituency.  The non-registered people influence the voters. The map tries to show their ethnic background, the age groups, the area demands. All these are guides to interpret the directions of the public opinion with regard to the elections. Accordingly an attempt of seating the registry at their respective geographical spots can be made. This does not apply to the presidential scale elections; it applies to legislative constituency elections.

3.        The Anti Campaign: The anti campaign is necessary to discern the factors that can lead to the defeat of the candidate. The logic behind it is that if the campaign team cannot make the candidate lose the elections, then they are less able to make him win them. The anti campaign should be critically probing and analytical.


4.        The Pro Campaign: The pro campaign is designed in a way to undo the anti campaign. Therefore it should cover all the loopholes shown in the anti campaign. The pro campaign, therefore, is the strategic plan of the elections from which a number of tactical plans will branch off.

5.        Crack Down into Topical Jobs: The pro campaign strategic plan should be cracked down into topical jobs to be assigned to the members of the campaign so as to be implemented. The set up of the topical jobs is determined functionally not conceptually. Each job should be headed by one member of the campaign with at least one assistant from the EC members. Each head of topical job should start laying out their plans to implement their respective jobs and forming their teams. These are the sub teams of the campaign team.


6.        Budget: Only then can a budget be drawn from the probing of the implementation of the topical jobs. Each head of campaign sub team should present their plan supported with its budget. The respective budgets will be pooled up in one total budget. The total budget will be submitted to the PP so as to be okayed and funded. If the funding is short than the budget, either a fund-raising campaign is launched or the total budget is reshaped and adapted to fit into the funding capacity. In the latter case the tactics should also be adapted rather than to resign to low performance and results. An election campaign can be set up either according to fund-advantaged tactics or fund-disadvantaged tactics.

7.        Implementation & Follow-up: The implementation is hierarchical, i.e. at the top comes the CD with their assistant/s; below them come the head of the sub teams, below whom come the respective members of each of the sub teams of campaign and so on. This shows what we mean by saying that the hierarchy is built up functionally, not conceptually. In other words, the team members are recruited only when need comes, not upon the theoretical concept of the hierarchy.


8.        Result & Assessment: For the EC team to do the job of running the elections in the best way, they need to be professional. All they have to concern themselves about is how to run the EC perfectly regardless of the result. A very good EC does not necessarily lead the candidate to win the elections; vice versa, the bad EC does not necessarily lead the candidate to fail. Winning elections is a dynamic process; an election campaign is a mechanical process. The assumption is that a well run EC will optimally lead the candidate to win the elections; a bad run EC will optimally lead the candidate to lose the elections. A surgeon can only perform a surgery professionally if they are not engaged with it emotionally.
The assessment is usually done after the EC. However, it is based on the reports of performance. Writing up these reports should not be left to the end of the EC. The end of the EC either brings euphoria or despair. Both are not convenient for writing up reports. Therefore, the reporting should go neck to neck with implementation. The assessment should start immediately by the end of the result announcement. It should include the auditing of the finances and fiscal performance.

The Correlation of the PP Apparatus with the EC Apparatus: The efficient model is the one that contains the least bureaucracy. Such a model goes as follows:





PPA





ECA
PPA: Political Party Apparatus; ECA: Election Campaign Apparatus

The two apparatuses go parallel to each other. The ECA is not the one that wins the elections; it is rather the PPA. The relationship that governs the two apparatuses is the same as that between the driver and the vehicle; the former operates the latter. The ECA operates the PPA as far as elections are concerned; it does not take over the PP.
However, the experience has shown that most of the political parties, if not all of them, have more than one apparatus working simultaneously on the EC. Below is a hypothetical example:





PPA1





PPA2









PPA3









PPA4





ECA

The above model will create confusion at its best if not chaos. An example case of what may become of this institutional misshape is the centralization of logistics and finance in the PPA rather than assigning the campaign logistics to the EC apparatus. For the case of logistics, an errand to Atbara or Port Sudan is determined by the ECA; however authorization of the vehicle will come from the PPA. This means that the owner of the job is not accountable for either doing it or not. If the car is released, then the job can be done; if it is delayed or declined, then the job cannot be done. This means that the ECA can be overruled by another apparatus which is not accountable for the job at hand. In the case of finance, the ECA may ask the PPA for a certain sum of money so as to do a specific topical job. If the money is granted, then the job can hopefully be done. But of it is not granted, the job cannot be done. The two cases show that the field of accountability and auditing is beyond the managerial boundary of the owner of the job. This creates an atmosphere convenient only for corruption and failure.

9.        The Correlation of the PP Apparatus with the EC Apparatus: The efficient model is the one that contains the least bureaucracy. Such a model goes as follows:





PPA





ECA
PPA: Political Party Apparatus; ECA: Election Campaign Apparatus

The two apparatuses go parallel to each other. The ECA is not the one that wins the elections; it is rather the PPA. The relationship that governs the two apparatuses is the same as that between the driver and the vehicle; the former operates the latter. The ECA operates the PPA as far as elections are concerned; it does not take over the PP.
However, the experience has shown that most of the political parties, if not all of them, have more than one apparatus working simultaneously on the EC. Below is a hypothetical example:





PPA1





PPA2









PPA3









PPA4





ECA

Oval: Providing Funds (PPA)The above model will create confusion at its best if not chaos. An example case of what may become of this institutional misshape is the centralization of logistics and finance in the PPA rather than assigning the campaign logistics to the EC apparatus. For the case of logistics, an errand to Atbara or Port Sudan is determined by the ECA; however authorization of the vehicle will come from the PPA. This means that the owner of the job is not accountable for either doing it or not. If the car is released, then the job can be done; if it is delayed or declined, then the job cannot be done. This means that the ECA can be overruled by another apparatus which is not accountable for the job at hand. In the case of finance, the ECA may ask the PPA for a certain sum of money so as to do a specific topical job. If the money is granted, then the job can hopefully be done. But of it is not granted, the job cannot be done. The two cases show that the field of accountability and auditing is beyond the managerial boundary of the owner of the job. This creates an atmosphere convenient only for corruption and failure.
10.    The Provisional EC Apparatus
Above is a provisional model for the Election campaign apparatus which is designed according to functionality:

11.    The Car Crew (N Presidential Campaigns, e.g. YA): Along with his chauffeur and bodyguards, YA is advised to have 2 Personal Assistants (male & female) along with a photographer at his side all the time. The function of the PAs is both to keep his diary in order so as to make him meet his timetable obligations punctually and to keep him company. Both PAs are preferable to be Southerners (nominations available). The function of the cameraman is to document the moves of YA and his activities. The Car Crew will be the source of authorized media news of YA.


12.    The Presidential Election Coordination: Within the PP, coordination between the presidential election and other constituency elections is not only a necessity but a proactive tactic. What makes the difference between an independent presidential candidate and a partisan presidential candidate is not only confined to the big number of campaign people available for the latter but further the fact that the other constituency elections serve as carriers to it. This is why the constituency and other elections are preferably run along the presidential elections. The PP constituency candidates are likely to cover all the constituencies, i.e. all the parts of the country. As the presidential candidate is usually the strongest among the PP candidates, promoting him/her will enhance the opportunities of the constituency candidates. This is why the thematic connection between the two elections is strongly advisable. A model of this connection can be shown in the related potentiality between YA and Edward Lino (Khartoum Governorship candidate) elections. Below is the pro argument:
5.1. HOPE & CHANGE is the slogan of YA. Hope goes for having the united Sudan prevailing; change goes for having the rule of the NCP dismantled. SPLM, as a southern-dominated party, has nominated YA, a northerner, as its presidential candidate. This is a direct message that the southerners as represented in SPLM are unionists. In doing this SPLM has shown enough wisdom and deep understanding of the national situation. For the northerners to prove that they are committed to the unity of the Sudan, they have to accept a southerner as governor of Khartoum, the Capital. Electing YA & EL is the only message that can go through and convince the southerners that there is still hope for a united Sudan where all Sudanese people will be accommodated on an equal footing regardless of race, religion, or ideology. The winning of elections by both YA & EL will hopefully make the southerners opt for the unity of the Sudan in the upcoming referendum in 2011. The election of YA & EL will surely make us avoid the horrible map of the Sudan when it is no more the land of one million square miles.

13.    Managing the Candidate: managing the EC candidate always proves to be one of the very difficult jobs of the campaign. The candidate, specially the presidential one, may be the most unprepared person to the run the campaign as the subjective and objective may get blurred in his vision. The process of presidential EC is all about making the candidate the supreme boss. The candidate him/herself is usually a boss in a way or another in their own right well before the EC. However, in the direct process of the EC the bossing should go to the CD without compromising the partisan leadership status of the candidate. One of the most complex aspects of managing the candidate is the speech writing and how the candidate expresses themselves without falling into any pitfalls or damaging tongue slips. The basic rule is that the candidate is not advised to improvise; they should rely on well worded speeches written up by experts. The delivering of the speeches has its own rules which can be summed up into (1) self-command and confidence, (2) clarity and of utterance and argument and good command of the language, (3) radiant look and encompassing the audience, (4) they should not read the speech unless it is official address. Presidential candidates should always address the people on a podium, not seated, unless it is a meeting, which is not the concern of this part. They are usually advised to be trained into this. However, a well-practiced and smart politician may not be in need for such training as it depends on talents.
The speech is advisable to consist of not more than 5-6 points with each not exceeding 3 minutes along with introductory point of etiquette (1.5 minutes) and a final summing up point and farewell (1.5 minutes). The whole speech is advisable to last for 20 minutes at best. It can go up to half an hour as a maximum. The candidate should avoid causing fatigue among the audience, a matter that can be observed when they start sneaking outside the addressing arena. The candidate must leave the audience wanting more of his speech rather than feeding them up. The candidate does not need to discuss all the issues in one public address. The addressing of the issues should be planned so as to start slowly but sure and then take momentum with the progress of the campaign to reach the zenith just before the balloting starts. The basic rule for one single point goes as follows:
(1) Key sentence containing the basic idea of the point (half a minute) → (2) discussing and raising argument on the key point in well cut words clearly and assuredly uttered, preferable to dot it with a casual joke for entertainment (two minutes) → (3) summing up the point with a spell of rhetoric (half a minute)  → (4) applause.
The introductory should be delivered in a self-contained and calm bearing as it includes saluting the audience and protocol. The summing up point should be very strong and rhetoric so as to bring about euphoria and frantic applause.
For an EC a candidate may not need more than 10 prepared pieces of speech which cover all the pending issues of the election. The candidate is advised to try to keep them by heart. They usually fail to do this. In this case they keep notes under their noses which contain only the key sentences of the points. It is expected that they will remember the rest the moment they had a glance at them.

14.    The Poster: It is advised that there to be one master poster of the candidate. As the whole game of the election is about concentrating the public will, a master poster is deemed convenient to help concentrate the public opinion with regard to the candidate as the image of them will reflect in the public mind according to how the poster reflects it. If there are more than one poster, i.e. there is no master poster, the reflection of the candidate’s image will get dispersed and scattered so as to retrieve the numerous image posters. The shot to mount the poster should be professionally done and edited with the highest resolution possible. It is preferable that the poster of the candidate to show a bearing of an amiably solemn, semi profile look with a far horizon gaze of wisdom. A background should be cautiously dealt with. A big smile with all teeth out may raise a lot of questions, such as the reason behind them etc. This is why it is advised that they be avoided. The master poster could be introduced by a host of carefully-chosen posters that will be shown according to a well-laid plan upon which the process is designed to make the systematic show of them culminate in the appearance of the master poster. If this plan is adopted, all the secondary posters should be collected back so as to give room for the master poster to concentrate the public opinion.